THE USUAL OBJECTIONS: “THE CHILD WILL BE TRAUMATIZED”
BY EDWARD BRONGERSMA

Presented here is fourth part of “The Usual Objections”, a section of “Negative Aspects of Man/Boy Relations: Presumed and Real”, the fourth chapter of Loving Boys, the encyclopaedic study of Greek love by the eminent Dutch lawyer, Edward Brongersma, of which the second volume (including this) was published by Global Academic Publishers in New York in 1990.

“The Child Will Be Traumatized”

During the time when people in Europe believed sex was something bestial, dirty, disgusting and sinful, and the child was pure, innocent sub-human, it was self-evident to them that if the angelic child was confronted asexual, and with this dark aspect of human existence the initiative could only have come from a criminal adult and the effect on the child of such an encounter would be disastrous. At first the supposed damage was thought to be primarily moral. Later, as the medical profession gained more and more social influence, psychological and/or psychosomatic traumatization was presented as proven fact.^[1]

Physical damage, or pain inflicted by violence, during a sexual encounter is extremely rare in the case of boy-victims (as it is not in the case of girls). We will return to this point later in the chapter. Hurting or even wounding a boy, it seems, is in the opinion of the average citizen, and even of many judges, much less objectionable than having sex with him.^[2]

What are the reported symptoms of this supposed traumatization? Baurmann in his study published by the West German Ministry of Justice, gives an extended summary of those claimed by different authors. Covering the literature only of the past thirty years, and eliminating symptoms which only girls could have, mention is made of depression, guilt feelings, learning difficulties, bossiness, sexual promiscuity, running away, somatic complaints, anxiety, disturbed sense of reality, regression, hostility, sexualization of object relationships with both men and women, asceticism, repeated sexual delinquency, paralysis of the will, embarrassment when thinking about childhood, lack of adaptability, sleeplessness, bragging and general showing off, telling friends of experience, sexual deviance, symbolic thefts, exhibitionism, neglect, tendency to prostitution, fear of the perpetrator, fear of males in general, fear of the locality where things happened, appearance or reappearance or increase of neurotic symptoms or infantile behaviour troubles such as stammering or compulsive behaviour, oedipal regression, seduction of other children.^[3] The reports of the Illinois Legislative Investigating Commission moreover mention difficulty in eating, sleep-walking, possible self-destructive behaviour, drug or alcohol abuse, self-mutilation.^[4] Nicholas D. Groth is quoted,^[5] adding headaches, stomach aches, poor social behaviour while in school, decline in grades, increase in fighting with peers, arguing with family members, refusal to attend church, withdrawal, nightmares, talking in one’s sleep, mood swings. Taken all together it seems a rather curious hodgepodge, and Baurmann rightly observes that many authors claiming these effects fail to distinguish between those which manifested themselves before the sexual encounter or encounters and those which appeared afterwards – and moreover fail to establish any causal link between the sex and its supposed consequences.^[6]

Groffmann^[7] wrote that the damage inflicted on the child showed up as “disorders in the balance of the personality which in the short term adversely affect the social abilities of the individual or later cause anomalies in the evolution of his personality.” Baurmann^[8] wrote: “Damage as a result of a sexual encounter is a reactive disorder on the sexual, social, psychological or physical level culpably inflicted upon the victim. The disorder may either be subjectively perceived by the traumatized individual himself, or diagnosed with the help of expert scientific methods.”

In his own analysis of 8051 criminal cases (7181 concerning girls, 870 concerning boys under 14 years of age) he found evidence of serious damage sustained by the victim in about 34% of the cases, lesser damage in about 18% and no damage at all in about 48%.^[9] All boys, without exception, fell into the “no damage” category.^[10] This suggests that the whole concept of traumatization through sexual activity with adults is applicable almost exclusively to girls and not to boys. In this chapter we will see much more evidence and many other instances of boys reacting quite differently than girls in sexual situations. It is, then, rather dangerous to talk about “children” in these matters. Conclusions which may be valid for girls may be entirely invalid where boys are concerned.

*       *       *

To the people of the Victorian Age it seemed self-evident that a child, that innocent being, would be hurt by sexual contact with an adult. Thus it was not until 1926 that Goroncy in Germany attempted to investigate the fate of women who had been raped in their childhood. He could discover no mental diseases resulting from the assaults.^[11] This research was followed in 1934 by the Norwegian psychiatrist Augusta Rasmussen, who limited her sample to 54 females who were raped before their fourteenth birthday. Despite this extremely unfavourable sample, she too concluded: “Mental diseases resulting from the acts they were subjected to were not demonstrable in any way, and it seems that the lives of the victims were hardly affected in any other respect by these affairs...”^[12]

Laurette Bender who, with A. Blau studied in 1937 a group of 16 children 5 to 12 years of age having had sexual contacts with adults, examined the same group 16 years later with A. L. Grugett and found “no problem which she felt could reasonably be attributed to the sexual experiences”.^[13]

Over a period of four years, from 1951 to 1954, Judson T. Landis, using an entirely different technique, carried out a much larger investigation among some 1800 students of the University of California. 30% of the males and 35% of the females had been sexually approached while they were children. After a careful analysis of 500 such cases, Landis declared, “In general, the great majority of the victims seem to recover rather soon and to acquire few permanently wrong attitudes from the experience.”^[14]

Dr. H. Brunold, once again following in the footsteps of Rasmussen, investigated 62 child victims of “substantial sexual abuse” (50 girls and 12 boys aged 5 to 15) 15 to 23 years after the event. Lasting psychological traumatization was rather infrequent and where it occurred was often more due to the reactions of the victim’s social environment than to the sexual events themselves.^[15] Prof. Reinhart Lempp, a doctor of medicine at Tübingen, published in the Neue Juristische Wochenschrift of 1968 a paper on “mental traumatization of children as victims of non-violent sexual criminality”. He personally examined 97 such children.^[16] He observed: “If we take into account the positive attitude of the children at the beginning of the indecent activities, this alone makes primary traumatization by the activities themselves highly improbable. It becomes even more doubtful when we recognize the frequency with which such indecencies occur.” After emphasizing their frequency he continues with his conclusions, “Most of the contacts remain undiscovered and thus the frequency of these indecent assaults must be assumed to be very high. This makes it impossible to claim as self-evident that children involved in these activities will always be psychologically traumatized. We can in no way assume that such a large number of people have been permanently and considerably hurt in their psychic evolution. My own investigation of 97 children involved in 93 criminal affairs did not establish clearly in any single case that traumatization of the child had been directly caused by the sexual activity.”

McCaghy^[17] wrote, “An incident of molesting is not likely to be traumatic for a child unless the parents themselves make it so.”

Dr. Frits Bernard, a Rotterdam psychologist, began an investigation in 1971 which in 1979 he described as “still in progress”. (This is probably why exact data are lacking about his “around 30” subjects, their age and sex, and his sample selection – data normally provided by researchers.) His tentative conclusion is, “We cannot confirm a traumatizing influence, nor the development of fear of adults.”^[18]

Another Dutch psychologist, John M. H. Corstjens, published in 1975 the results of an inquiry among students of the Catholic University of Nijmegen, yielding completed responses from 224 males and 215 females. 13% of the males and 18% of the females said that as children they had had sexual contact one or more times with an adult. At the end of his report Corstjens wrote, “We have demonstrated that there is no evidence of any influence of such contacts on later sexual experience.”^[19]

Youth counsellor Father Michael Ingram, an English Dominican friar, reported in 1977 at the Swansea conference on “Love and Attraction” that he had studied 91 pre-pubertal boys who had had sexual experiences with men. “There is no evidence that sexual contacts with adults do any damage, psychological or moral, to the children any more than the ‘rude games’ that many of them play.”^[20] “The activity itself evidently performs some function for the child, or fulfils some need, or is a passing act of little significance.”^[21]

An extremely fine piece of research was carried out by the English psychologist Lindy Burton in 1968. She compared 41 children (6 boys, 35 girls, ages 5 to 15) who, according to police records, had been involved in sexual delinquency with adults with a similar group of children who had had no such contacts. She concluded, “that sexual assault of children by adults does not have particularly detrimental effects on the child’s subsequent personality development.”^[22] Even a noticeable acceleration of the child’s sexual evolution, as might well have been expected, was not empirically observed.^[23]

Research is commonly complicated by other factors: children involved in criminal cases often come from problem families. Burton observed “that the item which discriminated most significantly” between her subject group and its control population was “the affection seeking”: “these sexually assaulted children certainly showed every evidence of needing affection of this sort” and the sexual experience with an adult often served “to satisfy unconscious personality needs”.^[24] Since these were not satisfied at home, the children sought for affection with adults outside of the family. A fairly large percentage of such children are psychologically traumatized by their living conditions^[25] or by the unbalanced reactions of their social environment and/or police interrogation.^[26] Thus it is most remarkable that Rasmussen, Brunold, Lempp and Burton, working with samples of especially unfavourable cases, arrived at the same conclusions as the other researchers.

A close study of the relevant literature and his own experiences as a child psychologist made K. J. Groffmann propose the following hypothesis: “Mentally sound children and adolescents who find both support and understanding in their human environment will generally not be permanently troubled in their evolution by sexual assault.”^[27]

Prof. Ernst-Walter Hanack of Heidelberg told the annual meeting of German lawyers in 1968, “In general we can assume in any particular case – always excepting the most violent executions of this crime – that the psychological damage inflicted upon a healthy child will not be particularly serious and certainly will not disturb the child permanently – if, in fact, (and this would be most exceptional) there is any damage at all. The contrary view, however generally accepted it may be (...) is based largely on the mistaken assumption that the child is a non-sexual being, and we should treat it with the utmost scepticism, particularly in the interest of the children themselves.”^[28]

The Dutch psychiatrist Zeegers wrote in 1970, “A great many children have sexual experiences at a young age without sustaining any harm.” Pondelickova^[29] wrote, “It is not very probable that paedophile behaviour causes psychic trauma to the object.” Dean Challot wrote, “in a vast majority of the cases no appreciable harm resulted from such contacts.”^[30]

Dr. Eberhard Schorsch after analysing the relevant literature, made this summary: “There is no evidence of a direct causal link between such experiences and a misdirected evolution of the personality. Empirical research forces one to accept the fact that permanent damage does not occur.”^[31] See also Goldstein.^[32] Dr. Karl-Heinz I. Kerscher of Hamburg University and the Evangelical Professional Academy seconded this opinion^[33] and in the same year Dagmar Potrykus and Manfred Wöbcke wrote in their book that “it has become impossible to sustain the assumption that negative consequences generally occur”, adding “Among the authors who claim that the sexual activity itself has negative effects, not a single one presents the slightest empirical base for his assumption. They generally produce their allegations uncritically, as premises, moralistically, without mentioning conflicting data and arguments.”^[34] This is also the position of the Swiss researcher Killias.^[35] For a fine example of such theorizing unsupported by any data, see von Stockert.^[36]

In 1975 this view was voiced by:

1. Philippe Graven, Professor of Law at the University of Geneva: “Disastrous short-term or long-term consequences of non-violent contacts – in reality by far the most common form – are unsubstantiated. As far as we can tell at the present time, any later disturbances which may occur cannot be blamed, either in whole or in part, upon the sexual activities.”^[37]
2. The Austrian criminologist Dr. Walter Hauptmann mentioned several examples “of the common absence of serious psychological troubles after paedophile contacts.” Even among boy prostitutes “there was no evidence of any link between hetero- or homosexual experiences of the child and later deviancy.” The “commonly accepted fiction of nearly omnipresent ‘lasting damage’ and ‘aftereffects’ from sexual experiences” has “for a long time now no longer been acceptable.”^[38]
3. The American youth psychiatrist D. R. Walters calls the theory that “psychologically, the sexually abused child is permanently damaged” a myth.^[39]

*       *       *

The Swedish government appointed a commission, presided over by Chief Justice Kjellin, to prepare suggestions for the reformation of the sexual offenses section of the penal code. Summarizing a number of publications on the subject, the commission concluded: “Possible sexual contacts between children and adults often pass over a child without any apparent negative effect on his psychology.”^[40]

In 1978 the distinguished Austrian psychiatrist Borneman wrote, “The negative effect of youthful sexual intercourse with adults have been exaggerated by the press. The results of research by youth psychologists, forensic physicians, and sexologists are almost completely the reverse of what the layman takes as truth.”^[41] And in San Francisco Prof. Haeberle declared, “By no means all of such contacts are harmful, and it seems irrational to punish them all in a summary fashion.”^[42] Geiser^[43] came to the same conclusion.

The Illinois Legislative Investigating Commission, a body one would hardly suspect of any leniency toward paedophiles, said in a report to the Illinois General Assembly^[44] that, “the effects of sexual molestation of children can be devastating. They need not be, depending on many variables, not the least of which is how the victims are treated within the context of the system that investigates and may prosecute an offender.” In other words, if there is damage it is not caused by the sex but by a secondary factor, the police examination. The Commission quotes as confirmation the opinion of Leroy G. Schultz, noting “that, in and of themselves, non-violent sexual assaults do not usually have a serious effect on a child’s personality development.” In another report published in the same year the Commission observes, “It has been demonstrated in the literature that a completely mutual consensual relationship between a young man and an older usually does not result in deleterious effects on the younger of the two.”^[45] See also Fraser^[46]; Powell & Chalkley.^[47]

Sam Janus, PhD^[48] quoted with approval the opinion of one of his colleagues: “In my experience a child who is pretty well together in other respects and is doing well in the world, getting along with his parents and in school, will not be permanently harmed.” Larry L. Constantine in the same year reviewed 30 independent investigations on this subject. Only five of the researchers concluded that there could be some long-term negative effects, but in these cases the subjects had been juvenile delinquents and psychopathic and it was therefore difficult to distinguish between cause and effect. Where the sample studied was selected from the general population, no mention was made of negative results. Six of the researchers commented on positive long-term effects^[49]

Baurmann in his analysis for the West German Ministry of Justice of 8058 criminal cases, wrote that the prevailing view of the dangers to children of sexual contacts with adults has simply been copied by one author from another without any empirical base. What is advanced as scientifically established is in reality no more than individual prejudiced opinion. Or, as in the case with Geisler, the whole sample was taken from a selected, disturbed group so that the outcome was determined in advance. Baurmann himself shares the opinion of such investigators as Landis and Lempp quoted above.^[50]

Wilson and Cox, although adverse to legalizing paedophile activity, conclude, “Numerous empirical attempts to demonstrate that lasting psychological harm is done to a child through sexual contact with adults (e.g. changing his sex orientation, or making him impotent) have generally failed to adduce any such evidence. Most researchers seem to be agreed that except in the case of physical assault against an unwilling child (tantamount to rape), no lasting harm to the sexual or social development of the child ‘victim’ can be detected.”^[51]

Monique Möller likewise writes, “Neither scientifically nor statistically has the harmfulness of paedophile relations been demonstrated.” She continues with the wise remark, “No relation is in itself either beneficial or harmful, regardless of whether it is between adults, as in professional or married life, or children, or between adults and children. Sexuality in itself, of whatever kind, does not render a relation between people desirable, undesirable, good or bad. The people themselves are of more importance than what happens between them. They define the atmosphere in which the events occur by their personalities, their capacity to sympathize with others, their respect for their partners and their willingness to love one’s neighbour as themselves.”^[52]

*       *       *

When we consider all the horrible consequences which public opinion ascribes to sexual experiences with adults, it is amusing to read the account of Dutch psychologist Rouweler-Wutz.^[53] While studying paedophilia she contacted nine pedagogical and orthopedagogical institutes requesting them to provide her with cases which demonstrated harm. Every one of them replied that they had never actually seen any “victim” of consensual contacts.

Even if in Western societies the incidence of adult/child sex is lower than in Hindustan, where it is the general custom for adults to caress the sexual organs of children,^[54] there is no reason to suppose that the number of “victimized children” in the West is insignificant.^[55] A number of reports, on the contrary, point to rather high figures for children involved.

The most conservative estimates are given by Rennert^[56]: 12.4% of all girls and 8.9% of all boys; and by van Ewijk^[57]: 20% of all girls and 10% of all boys (also used by Rush^[58]).

Corstjens^[59] found that among students at the Catholic University of Nijmegen 13% of all males and 18% of all females reported sexual as children with adults. Hertoft^[60] found that among 400 Danish recruits 9 had had sexual experiences with women before the age of 12, 51 had had sexual experiences with men before the age of 15, making a combined total of 15% of the recruits.

Walters^[61] reported that among 412 American students 21% were approached by men before they attained puberty, which led to sex in 17% of these 412 boys.

Kinsey reported that 24% of his female subjects had had, as pre-adolescents, sexual experiences with adults. The Kinsey figures have proved to be valid for countries other than the U.S.A. as well: Baurmann;^[62] Italiaander.^[63] West^[64] however thinks that Kinsey’s 24% “underestimates the true position”.

Wolters^[65] said that 25-33% of all boys have sexual experiences with adults; the same percentages are given by Mrazek.^[66]

Gibbens^[67] said 33% of his boys, both those with heterosexual and homosexual tendencies, had been sexually approached by adults.

The Dutch newspaper De Volkskrant (14 June, 1984) referred to an investigation of “intimacies” in secondary school. Of 68 boys, 22 had been “molested” by their own teachers; 5 claimed to have liked it.

Landis^[68] reported that 30% of the male and 35% of the female Californian students he studied had had such experiences as children. Robin Badgley of the University of Toronto interrogated 1000 minors and found that 33% of the boys had been the victim of undesired sexual activities (Journal de Montréal, 19 Feb 1985). Of 1800 New England children, mostly from the middle and upper classes, 33% had been “sexually abused”.^[69]

Schofield^[70] found that 35% of 15-19-year-old English boys claimed to have at least once been the subject of a man attempting sex.

The highest incidence is given by Kirchhoff^[71]: 37% of females and 45% of the males had had as children sexual experiences with adults.

Thus it is clear that sexual contacts between older and younger partners are rather commonplace occurrences and that the number of cases reflected in criminal statistics is only a faint echo of what really goes on.^[72] In an article in the weekly Intermediair (1975) I estimated that only one in 3,000 sexual events of this kind comes to the attention of the judicial authorities, and Léonard des Sables,^[73] using an entirely different method of calculation, arrived at exactly the same result. The total number of such sexual events in any one year in any one country are not to be estimated in hundreds of thousands but in millions. We are faced with the same situation our forebears faced with respect to masturbation: it was only possible to claim mortal danger from masturbating as long as the universality of this practice could be kept hidden. After the publication of the Kinsey reports nobody could spread the old masturbation scare stories with a clean conscience. Likewise, no one who is acquainted with the relevant research proving the frequency and universality of sex with children can any longer promulgate in good faith the myth of its traumatic consequences.

If parents really loved their children above all else they would be happy to see science prove that something which they had feared, regarded as threatening or horrible, was really quite harmless. But most people appear to be more attached to their sexual phobias than to their children, and so they cling compulsively to the myth of traumatization. This reluctance to give up old terrors is especially to be deplored since the myth itself may really hurt children.

First of all, the myth creates fear of the evil stranger who decoys children with candy and promises in order to torture or kill them. Instead of teaching young children never to go away with anybody (including uncles and grandparents) without checking with his parents first – a comprehensible, clear and non-frightening instruction – they are made mortally afraid of all strangers. “The danger of creating paranoid and xenophobic (fear of strangers) attitudes can be more damaging to child-rearing in general than paedophilic occurrences.”^[74] This practice, in fact, is not very effective in combating sexual approaches, since in 80 out of 100 cases (with boys, 84 out of 100 cases) it is not a stranger but an uncle, a neighbour, a family friend, a teacher or a youth leader who attempts to have sex with the child.^[75] Moreover, sexual contacts with a stranger tend to be much less intense and frequent and of a more “harmless” nature than those with acquaintances or family members.^[76]

Considering that 30% of all boys will at some time or another be approached by a man for sexual contact, in only 6%, then, of all boys will this be by a stranger. Thus in order to protect children from a supposed threat which may affect only 6%, the practice of inculcating in children fear of the wicked stranger inflicts real damage on 100% of them, a damage, moreover, which child psychologists consider far worse than the actual sexual activity which the parents seek to prevent. This can hardly be considered wise procedure! “It may well be a fact that scare techniques that induce panic cause more widespread interference with children’s psychosexual development than do overt abnormal sexual experiences.”^[77] The psychiatrist Zeegers even says that this kind of sexual education could better be characterized as sexual offense against the child.^[78] Neill, the famous headmaster of Summerhill, justly remarks, “to introduce fear into a child’s life is the worst of all crimes.”^[79] I once saw a delightful spoof of harmful sexual nonsense plastered on a German car: “We are the people our parents were always warning us about!”

Secondly, the legend of the wicked stranger is one of those self-fulfilling prophecies. Sexuality in itself is not harmful, but when it is connected to the taboos with which parents fill their children’s heads, it may well become so.^[80] If a child, as a result of sexual mis-education, panics at the approach of a stranger, this may trigger an even more dangerous panic in the man who, in his fright, may commit some kind of violent or even murderous act.

In the third place, experience shows that scare stories about the wicked stranger are highly ineffectual. In small children they give rise to great confusion and misunderstanding.^[81] When it comes to older boys, who are most concerned in these matters, it is interesting to read an account of what happened in Atlanta, Georgia when some years ago no less than 30 black boys were being killed by a mysterious murderer: “The city’s schools, press, TV and radio having scarily warned children of the dangers of even talking to strangers, two plain clothes men conducted an experiment. In an unmarked car they drove slowly through a black area one night, at intervals asking boys of 9 to 15 if they’d like to get in and earn $10. The danger discounted, the urge for money, excitement and fun paramount, the activity expected from them thoroughly understood and accepted, every single boy approached was willing.” (Personal communication by D. W.)

So we can see that the legend of the wicked stranger is very dangerous. Nonetheless, many a caring parent continues to spread it. These are the same caring parents who do a more thorough job of distorting their children’s sexual evolution than any child molester could have done. “Instead of simply asking what damage is inflicted upon the child by having sexual contact with an adult we should ask as well what damage is inflicted upon the child by frustrating his sexual needs. Putting it even more generally, what damage does he suffer in his non-sexual relationships with adults?”^[82]

Léonid Kameneff, founder of the “School on Boats”, describes cases where sexual contacts could have released boys from psychic isolation – contacts failed to materialize, however, because of legal prohibitions and the realization that breaking the laws could have imperilled the very existence of the school.^[83]

Even today, in some places, we hear echoes of the horrible anti-masturbation campaign fought for almost two centuries with such dedication and enthusiasm, and with such disastrous results, by doctors, the clergy and pedagogues. How many boys did these experts bring to the depths of despair? How many boys had their entire youths made miserable?

It is not even necessary to mention extreme cases, such as the French physician Meignant cites from his own practice of boys committing suicide after reading moralistic books about human sexuality.^[84] The incidence of adolescent suicide is always high: traffic accidents are the most important cause of death among 10- to 18-year-olds; suicide comes in second place.^[85] No less than half of these suicides are attributable to sexual difficulties.^[86] A radio program on homosexuality produced by the Dutch “Evangelical Broadcasting Service” in 1974 directly caused eleven young people to put an end to their lives.^[87]

In opposition to all of this, I would like to quote from a personal letter I received some years ago from an Austrian correspondent: “I love boys with every fibre of my being. How could I ever hurt one of them? If I weren’t unshakably convinced – and experience has proven me right – that the boy also enjoys it and suffers absolutely no harm, I would renounce all sexual pleasure and suffer myself instead.”

So the question really is, Who threatens children the most? Somebody who denounces boy-lovers for traumatizing their young friends and brings up his son along traditional likes is like a burglar shouting ‘stop thief!’ The Sioux Indians who teach their sons how to masturbate seem to hit the mark when they call the conventional sex education methods of the Pale Faces “simply barbaric”.^[88]

We will have more to say about this in Chapter Five. For the present we will limit ourselves to observing that the only acceptable and effective way to protect a boy against unwanted physical attentions by an adult is to give him honest and ample information about the possible dangers, to increase his self-confidence and to teach him that he and only he must decide who may touch his body in an intimate way.^[89] Children taught to hold adults in awe and always obey them, who come from families with very rigid views about sexuality and who enjoy less freedom than the majority of their peers have proved more liable to hurt and traumatization by sexual offenders than those with a more liberal upbringing.^[90]

Continue to The Usual Objections: "The Boy Will Be Turned into a Homophile"

^[1] Killias, M., Jugend und Sexualstrafrecht, Bern: Haupt, 1979, p. 186.

^[2] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 225. [Author’s note]

^[3] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983,(or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) pp. 197-198. [Author’s note]

^[4] 1980, 113 [Author’s note]. It is not clear to which of two publications listed in the bibliography as by the Illinois Legislative Investigating Commission in 1980 is being referred to here [Website note].

^[5] 1983, 218 [Author’s note]. It is impossible to guess what this might refer to [Website note].

^[6] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 409. [Author’s note]

^[7] Groffman, K. J., Die psychischen Auswirkungen von Sittlichkeitsverbrechen bei jugendlichen Opfern. In: Blau & Müller-Lückmann: Gerichtliche Psychologie, Neuwied: Luchterhand, 1962, p. 153. [Author’s note]

^[8] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 202. [Author’s note]

^[9] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 415. [Author’s note]

^[10] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 397. [Author’s note]

^[11] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 171. [Author’s note]

^[12] Rasmussen, A., Die Bedeutungsexueller Attentate auf Kinder unter 14 Jahren für die Entwicklung von Geisteskrankheiten und Charakteranomalien. Acta Psychiatrica9: 351- 434, 1934, p. 432. [Author’s note]

^[13] O‘Carroll, T., Paedophilia – The Radical Case, London: Peter Owen, 1980, p. 62; Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer. 16. Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, [2nd edition,] 1983. pp. 174-175,

^[14] Landis, J. T., Experiences of 500 Children with Adult Sexual Deviation. Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 30: 91-109, 1956, p. 108. [Author’s note]

^[15] Brunold, H., Beobachtungen und katamnestischefeststellungennachim Kindesaltererlitten en Sexualtraumen. Praxis 51, 39: 965-971, 1962, p. 970. [Author’s note]

^[16] Lempp, R., Seelische Schädigung von Kindernals Opfer von gewaltlosen Sittlichkeitsdelikten. Neue Juristische Wochenschrift21, 49: 2265-2268, 1968, p. 2267. [Author’s note]

^[17] McCaghy, Ch. H., Child Molesting. Sexual Behavior1, 5: 16-31, 1971, p. 24. [Author’s note]

^[18] Bernard, F., Pädophilie–Liebe mit Kindern, Lollar: Achenbach, 1979, p. 51. [Author’s note]

^[19] Corstjens, J. M. H., Opvoedingen pedofilie; sexualiteitsbelevingen attitudes ten aanzien van pedofilie. Doctoraalscriptie Nijmegen, 1975, p. 122, Corstjens, J. M. H., Pedofilie: what’s in a name? Een empirischonderzoek. Tijdschrrft voor Criminologie22: 273-286, 1980, p. 282. [Author’s note]

^[20] Ingram, M., “Filthy”—Reaction to Paedophilic Acts. Libertarian Education 21: 4-5, 1977, p. 5. [Author’s note]

^[21] Ingram, M., The Participating Victim — A Study of Sexual Offences against Pre-Pubertal Boys. In: Cook & Wilson (Eds.), Love and Attraction, Oxford: Pergamon, 1979, p. 517; Ingram, M., Participating Victims — A Study of Sexual Offences with Boys. In: Constantine & Martinson (Eds.), Children and Sex. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1981, p. 186. [Author’s note]

^[22] Burton, L., Vulnerable Children, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1968, p. 169. [Author’s note]

^[23] Kirchhoff, C. & G. F., Untersuchungim Dunkelfeldsexueller Viktimisation. In: Kirchhoff & Sessar (Eds.), Das Verbrechensopfer. Bochum: Brockmeyer, 1979, pp. 294-5. [Author’s note]

^[24] Burton, L., Vulnerable Children, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1968, pp. 122, 161, 169. [Author’s note]

^[25] Gibbens, T. C. N. & Prince, J., Child Victims of Sex Offences, London: I.S.T.D., 1963. [Author’s note]

^[26] Burton, L., Vulnerable Children, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1968, p. 168. [Author’s note]

^[27] Groffman, K. J., Die psychischen Auswirkungen von Sittlichkeits verbrechen bei jugendlichen Opfern. In: Blau & Müller-Lückmann: Gerichtliche Psychologie, Neuwied: Luchterhand, 1962, p. 178. [Author’s note]

^[28] Hanack, E.-W., Empfiehlt es sich, die Grenzen des Sexualstrafrechts neu zubestimmen? München: Beck, 1968, p. 95. [Author’s note]

^[29] Quoted by Powell, G. E. & Chalkley, A. J., The Effects of Pædophile Attention on the Child. In: Taylor (Ed.), Perspectives on Pædophilia. London: Batsford, 1981, p. 70. [Author’s note]

^[30] Challot, D., The Sexual Love of Children, Chatsworth (CA): Brandon, 1972, p. 9. [Author’s note]

^[31] Schorsch, E., Liberalitätreicht nicht. Betrifft: Erziehung6, 4: 23-26, 1974, p. 24. [Author’s note]

^[32] Goldstein, J., Dershowitz, A. M. & Schwartz, R. D., Criminal Law–Theory and Process, New York: Free Press, 1974, p. 31. [Author’s note]

^[33] Kerscher, K.-H. I., UnzuchtmitKindern. Sexualmedizin3, 11: 560-565, 1974, p. 564. [Author’s note]

^[34] Potrykus, D. &Wöbke, M., Sexualität zwischen Kindern und Erwachsenen, München: Goldman, 1974, pp. 70-1. [Author’s note]

^[35] Killias, M., Jugend und Sexualstrafrecht, Bern: Haupt, 1979, p. 184. [Author’s note]

^[36] Stockert, F.-G. von, Die Sexualität des Kindes. Stuttgart: Enke, 1956. p. 54. [Author’s note]

^[37] Graven, Ph., La pudeur enfantine (art. 191 CP).In: RecueilOffert au Tribunal Fédéral. Basel: Helbring & Lichtenhahn, 1975, p. 289. [Author’s note]

^[38] Hauptmann, W., Gewaltlose Unzucht mit Kindern, München: Fink, 1975, pp. 42-3. [Author’s note]

^[39] Walters, D. R., Physical and Sexual Abuse of Children, Bloomington (IN): Indiana University Press, 1975, p. 113. [Author’s note]

^[40] Kjellin, B. et al, Sexuellaövergrepp, Stockholm: Justitie departementet, 1976, p. 80. [Author’s note]

^[41] Borneman, E., Lexikon der Liebe. Frankfurt: Ullstein, 1978, p. 1011. [Author’s note]

^[42] Haeberle, E. J., The Sex Atlas, New York: Seabury, 1978, p. 444. [Author’s note]

^[43] Geiser, R. L., Hidden Victims–The Sexual Abuse of Children, Boston: Beacon Press, 1979, p. 87. [Author’s note]

^[44] 1980, 113 [Author’s note]. It is not clear to which of two publications listed in the bibliography as by the Illinois Legislative Investigating Commission in 1980 is being referred to here [Website note].

^[45] 1980, 205 [Author’s note]. It is not clear to which of two publications listed in the bibliography as by the Illinois Legislative Investigating Commission in 1980 is being referred to here [Website note].

^[46] Fraser, M., The Child. In: Taylor (Ed.) Perspectives on Paedophilia. London: Batsford, 1981. p. 56. [Author’s note]

^[47] Powell, G. E. & Chalkley, A. J., The Effects of Pædophile Attention on the Child. In: Taylor (Ed.), Perspectives on Pædophilia. London: Batsford, 1981, pp. 59, 68-69, 71, 73-75. [Author’s note]

^[48] Janus, S. The Death of Innocence, New York: Morrow & Co., 1981, p.232. [Author’s note]

^[49] “Constantine (1981, 220-225, 259)” [Author’s note]. It is not clear to which this refers of three works by Constantine published in 1981 and listed in the bibliography [Website note].

^[50] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) pp. 169-70, 176, 195, 484, 486. [Author’s note]

^[51] Wilson, G. D. & Cox, D. N. The Child Lovers, London: Peter Owen, 1983, p. 129. [Author’s note]

^[52] Möller, M., Pedoflelerelaties, Deventer: Van Loghum Slaterus, 1983, pp. 98-9. [Author’s note]

^[53] Rouweler-Wutz, L., Pedofielen, in contact of conflict met de samenleving? Deventer: Van Loghum Slaterus, 1976, p. 14. [Author’s note]

^[54] Möller, M., Pedoflelerelaties. Deventer: Van Loghum Slaterus, 1983, p. 35. [Author’s note]

^[55]McCaghy, Ch. H., Child Molesting. Sexual Behavior 1, 5: 16-31, 1971, p. 24; Zeegers, M., Wat je kinderendoenenervaren. Wat ouderskunnendoen en moeten laten. In: Rietman (Ed.), De kinderverleider. Apeldoorn: Semper Agendo, 1970, p. 44; Sandfort, Th., De ervaringswereld van kinderen in pedofielerelaties,Doktoraalskriptie Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, 1979, p. 242. [Author’s note]

^[56] Rennert, H., Untersuchungen zur Gefährdung der Jugend und zur Dunkelzifferbei sexuellen Straftaten. Psychiatrie, Neurologie und Medizinische Psychologie17, 10: 361-367, 1965, p. 362. [Author’s note]

^[57] Ewijk, H. van, Dan blijft het kinderlijk. Jeugden Samenleving 13, 2: 66-67, 1983, p. 66. [Author’s note]

^[58] Rush, F., Le secret le mieux gardé - L’exploitation sexuelle des enfants, Paris: Denoël/Gonthier, 1980, p. 246. [Author’s note]

^[59] Corstjens, J. M. H., Opvoedingenpedofilie; sexualiteits belevingen attitudes ten aanzien van pedofilie.Doctoraalscriptie Nijmegen, 1975, p. 127. [Author’s note]

^[60] Hertoft, P., Ungemændsseksuelleadfæd, videnogholdning, København: AkademiskForlag, 1968, I-239, II-69. [Author’s note]

^[61] Walters, D. R., Physical and Sexual Abuse of Children, Bloomington (IN): Indiana University Press, 1975. p. 116. [Author’s note]

^[62] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 216. [Author’s note]

^[63] Italiaander, R., Beobachtungenbei den Negern. In: Italiaander (Ed.), Weder Krankheitnoch Verbrechen, Hamburg: Gala, 1969, p. 138. [Author’s note]

^[64] West, D. J., Adult Sexual Interest in Children - Implications for Social Control. In: Cook & Howells (Eds.), Adult Sexual Interest in Children. London: Academic Press, 1981, p. 252. [Author’s note]

^[65] Wolters, W. H. G., Sexueelmisbruik van kinderen en jonge adolescenten. Maandblad Geestelijke Volksgezondheid37, 6: 613-629, 1982, p. 16. [Author’s note]

^[66] Quoted by Fraser, M., The Child. In: Taylor (Ed.) Perspectives on Paedophilia. London: Batsford, 1981. p. 50. [Author’s note]

^[67] Quoted by West, D., Homosexuality Re-Examined. 17. London: Duckworth, 1977, p. 217. [Author’s note]

^[68] Landis, J. T., Experiences of 500 Children with Adult Sexual Deviation. Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement 30: 91-109, 1956, p. 93. [Author’s note]

^[69] Geiser, R. L., Hidden Victims–The Sexual Abuse of Children, Boston: Beacon Press, 1979, p. 10. [Author’s note]

^[70] Schofield (1965, 58, 122) [Author’s note, but it is not clear to which he is referring of two books by Schofield listed in his bibliography as published in 1965].

^[71] Quoted by Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, p.106. [Author’s note]

^[72] Beyaert, F. H. L., Profiel van eendader? In: Wolters, W. H. G. (Ed.), Sexueel Misbruik van kinderen en jonge adolescenten, Nijkerk: Intro, 1982, p. 97; Frisch 1971, 7 [unidentified, as not listed in the bibliography]; Möller, M., Pedoflelerelaties, Deventer: Van Loghum Slaterus, 1983, p. 12; Taylor, B., Introduction. In: Taylor (Ed.), Perspectives on Paedophilia. London: Batsford, 1981, p. xv; Pieterse, M., Pedofielen over pedofilie, Zeist: NISSO, 1982, I 35. [Author’s note]

^[73] Sables, L. de (pseudonyme), Résultats d‘une enquête auprès d’un groupe de pédérastes. Arcadie 276: 650-657; 277: 35-45, 1976/77, p.43. [Author’s note]

^[74] Mohr, J. W. & Turner, R. E., Sexual Deviations - Paedophilia. Applied Therapeutics 9, 4: 362- 365, 1967, p. 362; Baurmann, M. C., Angezeigte und veruteilte Sexualkontakte aus viktimologischer Sicht. In: Albrecht-Désirat & Pacharzina (Eds.), Seksualität und Gewalt. Bensheim: Päd-extra, 1979, p. 108; Zijl, L. B. M. van der, Een ontwikkelings psychologische rubicering van enkeledeviatiesenvariaties In: Hart de Ruyter (Ed.), De seksueleontwikkeling van kind totvolwassene. Leiden: Stafleu, 1976, p. 183. [Author’s note]

^[75] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) pp. 251, 375; Righton, P., The Adult. In: Taylor (Ed.), Perspectives on Paedophilia. London: Batsford, 1981, p. 33; Taylor, B., Introduction. In: Taylor (Ed.), Perspectives on Paedophilia. London: Batsford, 1981, p. xiv. [Author’s note]

^[76] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) pp. 144, 251, 262-275, 468, 477. [Author’s note]

^[77] Rabinovitch, quoted by Karpman, B., The Sexual Offender and his Offenses, New York: Julian Press, [1954], p.556. [Author’s note]

^[78] Zeegers, M., Wat je kinderendoenenervaren. Wat ouderskunnendoenenmoeten laten. In: Rietman (Ed.), De kinderverleider. Apeldoorn: Semper Agendo, 1970, p. 52. [Author’s note]

^[79] Neill, A. S., Summerhill, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1962, p. 217. [Author’s note]

^[80] Wind, E. de, Variatie of perversie, ‘s-Gravenhage: NVSH, 1969. p. 12. [Author’s note]

^[81] Janus, S. S. & Bess, B. E., Latency: Fact or Fiction?In: Constantine & Martinson (Eds.), Children and Sex. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1981, p. 190. [Author’s note]

^[82] Rouweler-Wutz, L., Pedofielen, in contact of conflict met de samenleving? Deventer: Van Loghum Slaterus, 1976, p. 73. [Author’s note]

^[83] Kameneff, L., Ecoliers sans tablier, Paris: Simoën, 1979, p. 96. [Author’s note]

^[84] Meignant, M., Le droit à l’orgasme. Arcadie 21, 2 (232): 106-115, 1974, pp.106-115. [Author’s note]

^[85] Wolters, W. H. G., “De jonge suicidale adolescent”Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde 125, 12, 1981, pp. 449-451. [Author’s note]

^[86] Deschner, K., De kerkenhaarkruis, Amsterdam: Arbeiderspers, 1978, p. 373. [Author’s note]

^[87] Spreeuwel, M. van, Groepstherapie met homofielen, Scriptie Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1975, p. 4. [Author’s note]

^[88] Schérer, R., Emile perverti, Paris: Laffont, 1974, p. 163. [Author’s note]

^[89] Lamping-Goos, M. D., Hulpverleningaanreclassenten. Wolters (Ed.). Seksueelmisbruik van kinderen en jonge adolescenten. Nijkerk: Intro, 1982, p. 117; Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) pp. 276, 480-1. [Author’s note]

^[90] Baurmann, M. C., Sexualität, Gewalt und psychische Folgen, Wiesbaden: Bundeskriminalamt, 1983, (or possibly the 2^nd edition of this book published later the same year by the same publisher as Sexualität, Gewalt und die Folgen für das Opfer -Brongersma does not make this clear) p. 454. [Author’s note]