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three pairs of lovers with space

HARMODIOS AND ARISTOGEITON, 514  BC

 

This most celebrated of all true stories of profound change occasioned by a Greek love affair was recounted at greatest length by the preeminent Athenian historian Thoukydides in his History of the Peloponnesian War, VI 53 iii-59 iv, written shortly before 411 BC. (when it breaks off, probably due to his death).  It was retold by the philosopher Aristotle between 330 and 322 BC in a shorter version with some additional details in his Constitution of the Athenians. Much later, in much less detail it was confusedly recounted by Diodoros of Sicily in his Library of History, written between 60 and 30 BC. All three accounts are given here. The story also forms the main plot of a fine novel by Mary Renault, The Praise Singer (London, 1978).

The events described range from the death of the Athenian tyrant Peisistratos in 528/7 BC to the expulsion of his successor Hippias in 510, while the main story of Harmodios and Aristogeiton took place in 514. Their greatest political significance is that they led in 508/7 to the first introduction of democracy in Athens. The lovers were subsequently idolised as “liberators” for their role, despite their entirely personal motivation.

In all three accounts, the translators’ Latinisation of Greek names has been undone in favour of transliterated forms.

Harmodios. Roman copy nbkg 
A Roman copy of the 2nd Athenian commemorative statue commissioned 477/6 BC, after the Persians looted the first. 

 

Thoukydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War VI  53 iii -59 iv

The translation is by C. F. Smith for the Loeb Classical Library volume 110, published by William Heinemann Ltd. in London in 1921.

For the people, knowing by tradition that the tyranny of Peisistratos and his sons had become galling at the last, and moreover had been put down, not by themselves and Harmodios, but by the Lakedaemonians, were in constant fear and regarded everything with suspicion.

Now the daring deed of Aristogeiton and Harmodios was undertaken on account of a love affair, and by relating this at some length I shall prove that neither the Hellenes at large nor even the Athenians themselves give an accurate account about their own tyrants or about this incident. For when Peisistratos died,  as an old man, in possession of the tyranny, it was not Hipparchos, as most suppose, but Hippias, as eldest son, that succeeded to the sovereignty. And Harmodios, being then in the flower of youthful beauty, had as his lover Aristogeiton, a citizen of the middle class. An attempt to seduce him having been made by Hipparchus son of Peisistratus without success, Harmodios denounced him to Aristogeiton. And he, lover-like, deeply resented it, and fearing the power of Hipparchos, lest he might take Harmodios by force, at once plotted, with such influence as he possessed, to overthrow the tyranny. Meanwhile Hipparchos, having in a second attempt met with no better success in persuading Harmodius, although he had no intention of offering violence, yet laid a plan to insult him in some covert way, as though it were not for this reason. For he did not generally so exercise his authority as to be oppressive to the mass of the people, but maintained it without giving offence. And indeed the Peisistratidae carried the practice of virtue and discretion to a very high degree, considering that they were tyrants, and although they exacted from the Athenians only five per cent, of their incomes, not only had they embellished their city, but they also carried on its wars and provided sacrifices for the temples. In other respects the city itself enjoyed the laws before established, except in so far that the tyrants took precaution that one of their own family should always be in office. Amongst others of them who held the annual archonship at Athens was Peisistratus, a son of the Hippias who had been tyrant. He was named after his grandfather and, when he was archon, dedicated the altar of the twelve gods in the Agora and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. The people of Athens afterwards, in extending the length of the altar in the Agora, effaced the inscription; but that on the altar of the Pythian Apollo can still be seen in indistinct letters, reading as follows:

“This memorial of his office Peisistratus son of Hippias
Set up in the precinct of Pythian Apollo.”

That it was Hippias who, as eldest son, succeeded to the sovereignty I positively affirm because I know it even by tradition more accurately than others,[1] and anyone might be convinced of it also by this simple fact—he alone of the legitimate brothers appears to have had children, as not only the altar signifies, but also the column commemorating the wrong-doing of the tyrants that was set up on the acropolis of Athens, on which no child of Thessalos or of Hipparchos is inscribed, but of Hippias five, who were borne to him by Myrrhine daughter of Kallias son of Hyperochidas; for it was natural for the eldest to marry first. And on this same column his name is written first after his father’s, this also not unnaturally, as he was the eldest after him and had been tyrant. Nor yet again would Hippias, as it seems to me, have obtained the tyranny at once with ease, if Hipparchos had been in power when killed, and had had to establish himself therein on the same day. Nay, it was owing to the habitual fear which before that he had inspired in the citizens, and the strict discipline he had maintained in the bodyguard, that he got the upper hand with superabundant security and was at no loss, as a younger brother would have been, since in that case he would not previously have been regularly used to power. Hipparchus, however, as it fell out, having become famous by his tragic fate, obtained in after-time the credit also of having been tyrant.

[53 iii] ἐπιστάμενος γὰρ ὁ δῆμος ἀκοῇ τὴν Πεισιστράτου καὶ τῶν παίδων τυραννίδα χαλεπὴν τελευτῶσαν γενομένην καὶ προσέτι οὐδ᾿ ὑφ᾿ ἑαυτῶν καὶ Ἁρμοδίου καταλυθεῖσαν, ἀλλ᾿ ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐφοβεῖτο αἰεὶ καὶ πάντα ὑπόπτως ἐλάμβανεν.

[54 i] Τὸ γὰρ Ἀριστογείτονος καὶ Ἁρμοδίου τόλμημα δι᾿ ἐρωτικὴν ξυντυχίαν ἐπεχειρήθη, ἣν ἐγὼ ἐπὶ πλέον διηγησάμενος ἀποφανῶ οὔτε τοὺς ἄλλους οὔτε αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναίους περὶ τῶν σφετέρων τυράννων οὐδὲ περὶ τοῦ γενομένου ἀκριβὲς οὐδὲν λέγοντας. [ii] Πεισιστράτου γὰρ γηραιοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἐν τῇ τυραννίδι οὐχ Ἵππαρχος, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ οἴονται, ἀλλὰ Ἱππίας πρεσβύτατος ὢν ἔσχε τὴν ἀρχήν. γενομένου δὲ Ἁρμοδίου ὥρᾳ ἡλικίας λαμπροῦ Ἀριστογείτων, ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀστῶν, [iii] μέσος πολίτης, ἐραστὴς ὢν εἶχεν αὐτόν. πειραθεὶς δὲ ὁ Ἁρμόδιος ὑπὸ Ἱππάρχου τοῦ Πεισιστράτου καὶ οὐ πεισθεὶς καταγορεύει τῷ Ἀριστογείτονι. ὁ δὲ ἐρωτικῶς περιαλγήσας καὶ φοβηθεὶς τὴν Ἱππάρχου δύναμιν μὴ βίᾳ προσαγάγηται αὐτόν, ἐπιβουλεύει εὐθὺς ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἀξιώσεως κατάλυσιν τῇ τυραννίδι. [iv] καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ὁ Ἵππαρχος ὡς αὖθις πειράσας οὐδὲν μᾶλλον ἔπειθε τὸν Ἁρμόδιον, βίαιον μὲν οὐδὲν ἐβούλετο δρᾶν, ἐν τρόπῳ δέ τινι ἀφανεῖ ὡς οὐ διὰ τοῦτο δὴ παρεσκευάζετο [v] προπηλακιῶν αὐτόν. οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἐπαχθὴς ἦν ἐς τοὺς πολλούς, ἀλλ᾿ ἀνεπιφθόνως κατεστήσατο· καὶ ἐπετήδευσαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ τύραννοι οὗτοι ἀρετὴν καὶ ξύνεσιν, καὶ Ἀθηναίους εἰκοστὴν μόνον πρασσόμενοι τῶν γιγνομένων τήν τε πόλιν αὐτῶν καλῶς διεκόσμησαν καὶ τοὺς πολέμους διέφερον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ ἔθυον. [vi] τὰ δὲ ἄλλα αὐτὴ ἡ πόλις τοῖς πρὶν κειμένοις νόμοις ἐχρῆτο, πλὴν καθ᾿ ὅσον αἰεί τινα ἐπεμέλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἄλλοι τε αὐτῶν ἦρξαν τὴν ἐνιαύσιον Ἀθηναίοις ἀρχὴν καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ Ἱππίου τοῦ τυραννεύσαντος υἱός, τοῦ πάππου ἔχων τοὔνομα, ὃς τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν βωμὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἄρχων ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Πυθίου. [vii] καὶ τῷ μὲν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ προσοικοδομήσας ὕστερον ὁ δῆμος Ἀθηναίων μεῖζον μῆκος ἠφάνισε τοὐπίγραμμα· τοῦ δὲ ἐν Πυθίου ἔτι καὶ νῦν δῆλόν ἐστιν ἀμυδροῖς γράμμασι λέγον τάδε·

μνῆμα τόδ᾿ ἧς ἀρχῆς Πεισίστρατος Ἱππίου υἱὸς
θῆκεν Ἀπόλλωνος Πυθίου ἐν τεμένει.

[55 i] Ὅτι δὲ πρεσβύτατος ὢν Ἱππίας ἦρξεν, εἰδὼς μὲν καὶ ἀκοῇ ἀκριβέστερον ἄλλων ἰσχυρίζομαι, γνοίη δ᾿ ἄν τις καὶ αὐτῷ τούτῳ· παῖδες γὰρ αὐτῷ μόνον φαίνονται τῶν γνησίων ἀδελφῶν γενόμενοι, ὡς ὅ τε βωμὸς σημαίνει καὶ ἡ στήλη περὶ τῆς τῶν τυράννων ἀδικίας, ἡ ἐν τῇ Ἀθηναίων ἀκροπόλει σταθεῖσα, ἐν ᾗ Θεσσαλοῦ μὲν οὐδ᾿ Ἱππάρχου οὐδεὶς παῖς γέγραπται, Ἱππίου δὲ πέντε, οἳ αὐτῷ ἐκ Μυρσίνης τῆς Καλλίου τοῦ Ὑπεροχίδου θυγατρὸς ἐγένοντο· εἰκὸς γὰρ ἦν τὸν πρεσβύτατον πρῶτον γῆμαι. [ii] καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ στήλῃ πρῶτος γέγραπται μετὰ τὸν πατέρα, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀπεικότως διὰ τὸ πρεσβεύειν τε ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ καὶ τυραννεῦσαι. [iii] οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾿ ἂν κατασχεῖν μοι δοκεῖ ποτε Ἱππίας τὸ παραχρῆμα ῥᾳδίως τὴν τυραννίδα, εἰ Ἵππαρχος μὲν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ ὢν ἀπέθανεν, αὐτὸς δὲ αὐθημερὸν καθίστατο· ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ πρότερον ξύνηθες τοῖς μὲν πολίταις φοβερόν, ἐς δὲ τοὺς ἐπικούρους ἀκριβές, πολλῷ τῷ περιόντι τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς κατεκράτησε, καὶ οὐχ ὡς ἀδελφὸς νεώτερος ὢν ἠπόρησεν, ἐν ᾧ οὐ πρότερον ξυνεχῶς ὡμιλήκει τῇ ἀρχῇ. [iv] Ἱππάρχῳ δὲ ξυνέβη τοῦ πάθους τῇ δυστυχίᾳ ὀνομασθέντα καὶ τὴν δόξαν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐς τὰ ἔπειτα προσλαβεῖν.

Harmodioss sister is affronted in public by Hipparchos 1832

Harmodios's sister is affronted in public by Hipparchos (a copper engraving of 1832)

So, then, when Harmodios had repulsed his suit, Hipparchos insulted him, as he intended. For after summoning a maiden-sister of his to serve as a basket-bearer1 in some procession, they rejected her, declaring they had never summoned her at all, because she was unworthy. As Harmodios was indignant at this, Aristogeiton for his sake was far more exasperated. And now the details had been arranged by them with those who were to take part in the execution of their scheme; but they were waiting for the great Panathenaia, for on that day only it excited no suspicion for the citizens who were to take part in the procession to be assembled in arms. They were themselves to begin the attack, but the others were to join them at once in dealing with the bodyguard. The conspirators were not many, for better security; for they hoped that, if ever so few made the bold attempt, at once even those who were not before privy to it, having arms in their hands, would be inclined to bear a part in winning their own freedom.

And when the festival came on, Hippias with his bodyguard was outside the walls, in the place called the Kerameikos, arranging the order in which the several parts of the procession were to go forward; and Harmodios and Aristogeiton, who were ready with their daggers, stepped forward to put their scheme in effect. But when they saw one of their accomplices talking familiarly with Hippias, who was accessible to all, they took fright, thinking that they had been informed upon and would in a moment be arrested. So wishing first to take vengeance, if they could, upon the one who had aggrieved them and because of whom they were risking all, they rushed, just as they were, within the gates and came upon Hipparchos at the place called Leokoreion, And at once falling upon him recklessly and as men will in extreme wrath, the one inflamed by jealousy, the other by insult, they smote and slew him. Aristogeiton, indeed, escaped the guards for the moment, as the crowd ran together, but afterwards was caught and handled in no gentle manner; but Harmodius perished on the spot.

When the news was brought to Hippias in the Kerameikos, he went at once, not to the scene of action, but to the hoplites in the procession, before they, being some distance away, had become aware of what had happened, and, disguising his looks so as to betray nothing in regard to the calamity, pointed to a certain place and ordered them to go thither without their arms. So they withdrew, thinking that he had something to say to them; while he, ordering the mercenaries to take up the arms of the others, immediately picked out those whom he held guilty, and anyone besides who was found with a dagger; for it was customary to march in the processions armed with shield and spear only.

It was in such wise, for an affront in love, that the plot of Harmodios and Aristogeiton was first conceived and their reckless attempt made under the influence of their momentary alarm. After this the tyranny became harsher for the Athenians, and Hippias, being now in greater apprehension, not only put to death many of the citizens, but also began to look abroad, to see if in any quarter he might find any door of safety open to him in case of a revolution. […]Hippias, however, after being tyrant for three years more at Athens, was then deposed2 in the fourth year by the Lakedaimonians and the exiled Alkmeonidai,

[56 i] Τὸν δ᾿ οὖν Ἁρμόδιον ἀπαρνηθέντα τὴν πείρασιν, ὥσπερ διενοεῖτο, προυπηλάκισεν· ἀδελφὴν γὰρ αὐτοῦ κόρην ἐπαγγείλαντες ἥκειν κανοῦν οἴσουσαν ἐν πομπῇ τινι, ἀπήλασαν λέγοντες οὐδὲ [ii] ἐπαγγεῖλαι τὴν ἀρχὴν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀξίαν εἶναι. χαλεπῶς δὲ ἐνεγκόντος τοῦ Ἁρμοδίου πολλῷ δὴ μᾶλλον δι᾿ ἐκεῖνον καὶ ὁ Ἀριστογείτων παρωξύνετο. καὶ αὐτοῖς τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς ξυνεπιθησομένους τῷ ἔργῳ ἐπέπρακτο, περιέμενον δὲ Παναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα, ἐν ᾗ μόνον ἡμέρᾳ οὐχ ὕποπτον ἐγίγνετο ἐν ὅπλοις τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς τὴν πομπὴν πέμψοντας ἁθρόους γενέσθαι· καὶ ἔδει ἄρξαι μὲν αὐτούς, ξυνεπαμύνειν δὲ εὐθὺς τὰ πρὸς τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐκείνους. [iii] ἦσαν δὲ οὐ πολλοὶ οἱ ξυνομωμοκότες ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα· ἤλπιζον γὰρ καὶ τοὺς μὴ προειδότας, εἰ καὶ ὁποσοιοῦν τολμήσειαν, ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα, ἔχοντάς γε ὅπλα, ἐθελήσειν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ξυνελευθεροῦν.

[57 i] Καὶ ὡς ἐπῆλθεν ἡ ἑορτή, Ἱππίας μὲν ἔξω ἐν τῷ Κεραμεικῷ καλουμένῳ μετὰ τῶν δορυφόρων διεκόσμει ὡς ἕκαστα ἐχρῆν τῆς πομπῆς προϊέναι· ὁ δὲ Ἁρμόδιος καὶ ὁ Ἀριστογείτων ἔχοντες ἤδη τὰ ἐγχειρίδια ἐς τὸ ἔργον προῇσαν. [ii] καὶ ὡς εἶδόν τινα τῶν ξυνωμοτῶν σφίσι διαλεγόμενον οἰκείως τῷ Ἱππία (ἦν δὲ πᾶσιν εὐπρόσοδος ὁ Ἱππίας), ἔδεισαν καὶ ἐνόμισαν μεμηνῦσθαί τε καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη ξυλληφθήσεσθαι. [iii] τὸν λυπήσαντα οὖν σφᾶς καὶ δι᾿ ὅνπερ πάντα ἐκινδύνευον ἐβούλοντο πρότερον, εἰ δύναιντο, προτιμωρήσασθαι, καὶ ὥσπερ εἶχον ὥρμησαν ἔσω τῶν πυλῶν, καὶ περιέτυχον τῷ Ἱππάρχῳ παρὰ τὸ Λεωκόρειον καλούμενον. εὐθὺς δ᾿ ἀπερισκέπτως προσπεσόντες καὶ ὡς ἂν μάλιστα δι᾿ ὀργῆς, ὁ μὲν ἐρωτικῆς, ὁ δὲ ὑβρισμένος, ἔτυπτον καὶ ἀποκτείνουσιν αὐτόν. [iv] καὶ ὁ μὲν τοὺς δορυφόρους τὸ αὐτίκα διαφεύγει, ὁ Ἀριστογείτων, ξυνδραμόντος τοῦ ὄχλου, καὶ ὕστερον ληφθεὶς οὐ ῥᾳδίως διετέθη· Ἁρμόδιος δὲ αὐτοῦ παραχρῆμα ἀπόλλυται.

[58 i] Ἀγγελθέντος δὲ Ἱππίᾳ ἐς τὸν Κεραμεικόν, οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸ γενόμενον ἀλλ᾿ ἐπὶ τοὺς πομπέας τοὺς ὁπλίτας, πρότερον ἢ αἰσθέσθαι αὐτοὺς ἄπωθεν ὄντας, εὐθὺς ἐχώρησε, καὶ ἀδήλως τῇ ὄψει πλασάμενος πρὸς τὴν ξυμφορὰν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτούς, δείξας τι χωρίον, ἀπελθεῖν ἐς αὐτὸ ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων. [ii] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπεχώρησαν οἰόμενοί τι ἐρεῖν αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ τοῖς ἐπικούροις φράσας τὰ ὅπλα ὑπολαβεῖν ἐξελέγετο εὐθὺς οὓς ἐπῃτιᾶτο καὶ εἴ τις ηὑρέθη ἐγχειρίδιον ἔχων· μετὰ γὰρ ἀσπίδος καὶ δόρατος εἰώθεσαν τὰς πομπὰς ποιεῖν.

[59 i] Τοιούτῳ μὲν τρόπῳ δι᾿ ἐρωτικὴν λύπην ἥ τε ἀρχὴ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ ἡ ἀλόγιστος τόλμα ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα περιδεοῦς Ἁρμοδίῳ καὶ Ἀριστογείτονι ἐγένετο. [ii] τοῖς δ᾿ Ἀθηναίοις χαλεπωτέρα μετὰ τοῦτο ἡ τυραννὶς κατέστη, καὶ ὁ Ἱππίας διὰ φόβου ἤδη μᾶλλον ὢν τῶν τε πολιτῶν πολλοὺς ἔκτεινε καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἔξω ἅμα διεσκοπεῖτο, εἴ ποθεν ἀσφάλειάν τινα ὁρῴη μεταβολῆς γενομένης ὑπάρχουσάν οἱ. [… iv] τυραννεύσας δὲ ἔτη τρία Ἱππίας ἔτι Ἀθηναίων καὶ παυσθεὶς ἐν τῷ τετάρτῳ ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Ἀλκμεωνιδῶν

Hipparchos assassination of 03 nbkg
he assassination of Hipparchos depicted on an Athenian vase

 

Aristotle, The Constitution of the Athenians XVII 2 and XVIII 1-3

The translation is by H. Rackham for the Loeb Classical Library volume 285, published by William Heinemann Ltd. in London in 1935.

He [Peisistratos] had two sons by his wedded wife, Hippias and Hipparchos, and two by his Argive consort, Iophon and Hegesistratos surnamed Thettalos. […]

Hippias, who was the elder and was statesmanlike and wise by nature; whereas Hipparchos was fond of amusement and love-making, and had literary tastes: it was he who brought to Athens poets such as Anacreon and Simonides, and the others. Thettalos was much younger, and bold and insolent in his mode of life, which proved to be the source of all their misfortunes. For he fell in love with Harmodios, and when his advances were continually unsuccessful he could not restrain his anger, but displayed it bitterly in various ways, and finally when Harmodios’s sister was going to be a Basket-carrier[2] in the procession at the Panathenaic Festival he prevented her by uttering some insult against Harmodios as being effeminate; and the consequent wrath of Harmodios led him and Aristogeiton to enter on their plot with a number of accomplices. At the Panathenaic Festival on the Acropolis they were already keeping a watch on Hippias (who happened to be receiving the procession, while Hipparchos was directing its start), when they saw one of their partners in the plot conversing in a friendly way with Hippias. They thought that he was giving information, and wishing to do something before their arrest they went down and took the initiative without waiting for their confederates, killing Hipparchos as he was arranging the procession by the Leokoreion. This played havoc with the whole plot. Of the two of them Harmodios was at once dispatched by the spearmen, and Aristogeiton died later, having been taken into custody and tortured for a long time. Under the strain of the tortures he gave the names of a number of men that belonged by birth to families of distinction, and were friends of the tyrants, as confederates. For they were not able immediately to find any trace of the plot, but the current story that Hippias made the people in the procession fall out away from their arms and searched for those that retained their daggers is not true, for in those days they did not walk in the procession armed, but this custom was instituted later by the democracy. According to the account of people of popular sympathies, Aristogeiton accused the tyrants’ friends for the purpose of making his captors commit an impiety and weaken themselves at the same time by making away with men who were innocent and their own friends, but others say that his accusations were not fictitious but that he disclosed his actual accomplices. Finally, as do what6 he would he was unable to die, he offered to give information against many more, and induced Hippias to give him his right hand as a pledge of good faith, and when he grasped it he taunted him with giving his hand to his brother’s murderer, and so enraged Hippias that in his anger he could not control himself but drew his dagger and made away with him.

After this it began to come about that the tyranny was much harsher; for Hippias’s numerous executions and sentences of exile in revenge for his brother led to his being suspicious of everybody and embittered. About four years after Hipparchos’s death the state of affairs in the city was so bad that he set about fortifying Mounychia,[3] with the intention of moving his establishment there. While engaged in this he was driven out by the king of Sparta, Kleomenes.

[XVII 2] ἦσαν δὲ δύο μὲν ἐκ τῆς γαμετῆς Ἱππίας καὶ Ἵππαρχος, δύο δ᾿ ἐκ τῆς Ἀργείας Ἰοφῶν καὶ Ἡγησίστρατος ᾧ παρωνύμιον ἦν Θέτταλος. […]

[XVIII 1] φύσει πολιτικὸς καὶ ἔμφρων ἐπεστάτει τῆς ἀρχῆς· ὁ δὲ Ἵππαρχος παιδιώδης καὶ ἐρωτικὸς καὶ φιλόμουσος ἦν (καὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἀνακρέοντα καὶ Σιμωνίδην καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ποιητὰς οὗτος ἦν ὁ μεταπεμπόμενος), [2] Θέτταλος δὲ νεώτερος πολὺ καὶ τῷ βίῳ θρασὺς καὶ ὑβριστής, ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ συνέβη τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι πάντων τῶν κακῶν. ἐρασθεὶς γὰρ τοῦ Ἁρμοδίου καὶ διαμαρτάνων τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίας, οὐ κατεῖχε τὴν ὀργήν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐνεσημαίνετο πικρῶς, καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον μέλλουσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀδελφὴν κανηφορεῖν Παναθηναίοις ἐκώλυσεν, λοιδορήσας τι τὸν Ἁρμόδιον ὡς μαλακὸν ὄντα, ὅθεν συνέβη παροξυνθέντα τὸν Ἁρμόδιον καὶ τὸν Ἀριστογείτονα πράττειν τὴν πρᾶξιν μετεχόντων πολλῶν. [3] ἤδη δὲ παρατηροῦντες ἐν ἀκροπόλει τοῖς Παναθηναίοις Ἱππίανἐτύγχανεν γὰρ οὗτος μὲν δεχόμενος, δ᾽ Ἵππαρχος ἀποστέλλων τὴν πομπήν), ἰδόντες τινὰ τῶν κοινωνούντων τῆς πράξεως φιλανθρώπως ἐντυγχάνοντα τῷ Ἱππίᾳ, καὶ νομίσαντες μηνύειν, βουλόμενοί τι δρᾶσαι πρὸ τῆς συλλήψεως, καταβάντες καὶ προεξαναστάντες τῶν ἄλλων, τὸν μὲν Ἵππαρχον διακοσμοῦντα τὴν πομπὴν παρὰ τὸ Λεωκόρειον ἀπέκτειναν, [4] τὴν δ᾽ ὅλην ἐλυμήναντο πρᾶξιν, αὐτῶν δ᾿ ὁ μὲν Ἁρμόδιος εὐθέως ἐτελεύτησεν ὑπὸ τῶν δορυφόρων, ὁ δ᾿ Ἀριστογείτων ὕστερον, συλληφθεὶς καὶ πολὺν χρόνον αἰκισθείς. κατηγόρησεν δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις πολλῶν οἳ καὶ τῇ φύσει τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ φίλοι τοῖς τυράννοις ἦσαν. οὐ γὰρ ἐδύναντο παραχρῆμα λαβεῖν οὐδὲν ἴχνος τῆς πράξεως, ἀλλ᾿ ὁ λεγόμενος λόγος ὡς ὁ Ἱππίας ἀποστήσας ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων τοὺς πομπεύοντας ἐφώρασε τοὺς τὰ ἐγχειρίδια ἔχοντας οὐκ ἀληθής ἐστιν· οὐ γὰρ ἔπεμπον τότε μεθ᾿ ὅπλων, ἀλλ᾿ ὕστερον τοῦτο κατεσκεύασεν ὁ δῆμος. [5] κατηγόρει δὲ τῶν τοῦ τυράννου φίλων, ὡς μὲν οἱ δημοτικοί φασιν, ἐπίτηδες ἵνα ἀσεβήσαιεν ἅμα καὶ γένοιντο ἀσθενεῖς ἀνελόντες τοὺς ἀναιτίους καὶ φίλους ἑαυτῶν, ὡς δ᾿ ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, οὐχὶ πλαττόμενος ἀλλὰ τοὺς συνειδότας ἐμήνυεν. [6] καὶ τέλος ὡς οὐκ ἐδύνατο πάντα ποιῶν ἀποθανεῖν, ἐπαγγειλάμενος ὡς ἄλλους μηνύσων πολλοὺς καὶ πείσας αὑτῷ τὸν Ἱππίαν δοῦναι τὴν δεξιὰν πίστεως χάριν, ὡς ἔλαβεν ὀνειδίσας ὅτι τῷ φονεῖ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν δέδωκε, οὕτω παρώξυνε τὸν Ἱππίαν ὥσθ᾿ ὑπὸ τῆς ὀργῆς οὐ κατεῖχεν ἑαυτὸν ἀλλὰ σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν διέφθειρεν αὐτόν.

[XIX 1] Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνέβαινεν πολλῷ τραχυτέραν εἶναι τὴν τυραννίδα· καὶ γὰρ διὰ τὸ τιμωρῶν τῷ ἀδελφῷ [καὶ διὰ τὸ] πολλοὺς ἀνῃρηκέναι καὶ [2] ἐκβεβληκέναι πᾶσιν ἦν ἄπιστος καὶ πικρός. ἔτει δὲ τετάρτῳ μάλιστα μετὰ τὸν Ἱππάρχου θάνατον, ἐπεὶ κακῶς εἶχεν τὰ ἐν τῷ ἄστει, τὴν Μουνυχίαν ἐπεχείρησε τειχίζειν, ὡς ἐκεῖ μεθιδρυσόμενος. ἐν τούτοις δ᾿ ὢν ἐξέπεσεν ὑπὸ Κλεομένους τοῦ Λακεδήμονος βασιλέως,

Hippias  Aristogeiton 

 

Diodoros of Sicily, Library of History X 17

The translation is by C. H. Oldfather for the Loeb Classical Library volume 375, published by the Harvard University Press in 1946.

Thettalos, the son of Peisistratos, was wise enough to renounce the tyranny, and since he strove after equality, he enjoyed great favour among the citizens of Athens; but the other sons, Hipparchos and Hippias, being violent and harsh men, maintained a tyranny over the city. They committed many other acts of lawlessness against the Athenians, and Hipparchos, becoming enamoured of a youth of extraordinary beauty, because of that got into a dangerous situation. . . . Now the attack upon the tyrants and the earnest desire to achieve the freedom of the fatherland were shared in by all the men mentioned above; but the unyielding steadfastness of soul amid the tortures and the stout courage to endure cruel pains were shown by Aristogeiton alone, who, in the most fearful moments, maintained two supreme virtues, fidelity to his friends and vengeance on his enemies.

Aristogeiton made it clear to all men that nobility of soul is able to prevail over the greatest agonies of the body.

[i] Ὅτι Θετταλὸς ὁ Πεισιστράτου υἱὸς σοφὸς ὑπάρχων ἀπείπατο τὴν τυραννίδα, καὶ τὴν ἰσότητα ζηλώσας· μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἠξιοῦτο παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι, Ἵππαρχος καὶ Ἱππίας, βίαιοι καὶ χαλεποὶ καθεστῶτες ἐτυράννουν τῆς πόλεως. πολλὰ δὲ παρανομοῦντες εἰς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, καί τινος μειρακίου διαφόρον τὴν ὄψιν Ἵππαρχος ἐρασθεὶς διὰ τοῦτο ἐκινδύνευσεν …. [ii] ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τοὺς τυράννους ἐπίθεσις καὶ ἡ πρὸς τὴν τῆς πατρίδος ἐλευθερίαν σπουδὴ κοινὴ τῶν προειρημένων ὑπῆρξεν ἀνδρῶν· ἡδὲ ἐν ταῖς βασάνοις παράστασις τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ τὸ καρτερικὸν τῆς τῶν δεινῶν ὑπομονῆς περὶ μόνον ἐγενήθη τὸν Ἀριστογείτονα, ὃς ἐν τοῖς φοβερωτάτοις καιροῖς δύο μέγιστα διετήρησε, τήν τε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους πίστιν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἐχθροὺς τιμωρίαν.

[iii] Ὅτι ὁ Ἀριστογείτων πᾶσιν ἐποίησε φανερὸν ὡς ἡ τῆς ψυχῆς εὐγένεια κατισχύει τὰς μεγίστας τοῦ σώματος ἀλγηδόνας.

Peisistratid coin of Athens. Obv. An archaic Gorgoneion. Rev. Square incuse. 545 525 BC
Coin of Athens under Peisistratid rule, 545/525 BC

 

[1] This seems to point to a near relationship of the historian with the family of the Peisistratidae, so that more exact knowledge had come to him by word of mouth (καὶ ἀκοῇ); cf. Marcellinus, § 18, and Schol. on i. xx. 2. [Transalator’s footnote]

[2] Baskets holding the requisites for the religious service were carried by maidens of high birth. [Translator’s footnote]

[3] A hill above the sea S. of the city, commanding Peiraeus and the two other harbours. [Translator’s footnote]

 

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Daemonic Rise   29 December 2017

Harmodios and Aristogeiton weren't tyrannicides and could fairly be charged with causing a beneficial tyranny to turn nasty. The later popular will to mythologise them must have been due to reasons other than their historical role.

The true hero of Athenian democracy, worthy of a commemorative statue, is Cleisthenes. He invented and implemented a democratic system that the Greeks desperately needed but couldn't stop fighting long enough to realise they wanted. Harmodios and Aristogeiton gave history nothing more than a reckless dice-throw in a dangerous game of Who's-Up-Who-And-Who's-Paying-The-Rent.

But it was Harmodios and Aristogeiton who were chosen to represent the democratic ideal. This committed man-boy couple represented the freedom and daring, the pedagogic Greek love, and the barely restrained hubris, that was to drive the astonishing creativity of the Classical era. They also linked an urbanised people with the arete of the earlier fiercely martial and pederastic Dorian tribes. The very idea of a free-standing statue was born of archaic Greek idolisation of the boy. Classical Greeks mythologised themselves in a dizzying feedback loop of inspiration and achievement.

Shift this tyrant-slaying scene a few hundred miles east, and Harmodios and Aristogeiton wouldn't even rate a footnote. Instead we'd have today a few clunky Cleisthenic tablets telling us when to vote and how many hairs to split in the process. Amen to the Greeks, I say.

 

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